The COVID-19 virus is rapidly spreading in northern Yemen and the response of Houthi authorities – to publicly deny this reality and silence those who contradict them – has ensured vastly more Yemenis will needlessly suffer and die in the months to come. 

In January 2020, demonstrators heckled a delegation of bankers leaving Lebanon’s central bank. What was unique in this situation, however, was the identity of the banking delegation. These bankers were not Lebanese but Yemeni.

In separately defined containment measures, authorities in Sana’a and Aden closed sea, land and air ports as a precaution prior to the April 10 official reporting of Yemen’s first confirmed case of COVID-19. Since then, they have — separately — suspended school and university classes, set up quarantines and imposed social distancing measures.

Kuwait and Oman have carved subtly different niches for themselves in the maelstrom of Gulf politics, in contrast to the muscular approach to regional affairs taken by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Oman, during the long rule of Sultan Qaboos bin Said (1970-2020),

Five years of civil strife in southern Yemen has given rise to southern centers of power, some oriented toward secession and others seeking the semi-autonomy of a federal system. Their views and causes were contained, however, until the dynamics of the current war increased southern autonomy

In the early hours of April 26, the Southern Transitional Council (STC), citing a conspiracy against the southern cause, declared self-governance and a state of emergency across the entire former South Yemen, and called on the masses to rally around its political leadership. The first evidence of the STC implementing its self-rule declaration came at the Central Bank of Yemen headquarters in Aden