Yemen is entering a period of sharp escalation, a decisive phase unlike any that came before. This moment is not just a sideshow in a volatile regional context, another round of civil war, or an attempt to shift the balance of power. What is at stake is nothing less than the future of the Yemeni state, the kind of society Yemenis will live in, and who will decide that future.

Over more than a decade of war, Yemenis have been denied the opportunity to choose who governs them. They did not choose the Houthis, who have sought to reshape society around the idea that power is the exclusive privilege of one group, and that lineage and religious affiliation determine rights and standing. Yet despite years of repression and efforts to indoctrinate future generations in the group’s totalitarian, sectarian ideology, Yemenis have held on to the idea of a republic in which all are equal under the law. Most do not want to live as subjects of an armed group that seeks to control every aspect of their lives.

This moment will test the strength of the Houthis’ totalitarian vision. The group was never going to stop at shifting the domestic balance of power on the ground to its advantage, or blackmailing Yemen’s neighbors into tacit recognition of its power. From the outset, they have tried to re-engineer society, investing in sectarian and ideological mobilization to the point that their propaganda leaves almost no room for ordinary life in the areas under their control. It is present on the streets, in schools, at funerals and weddings, and in public institutions. Yet their ability to enforce compliance and sow fear has not been matched by an ability to win the people’s hearts or respect. Internal discontent remains the most enduring threat facing the group.

Families have been forced to hand over their sons to meet the Houthis’ insatiable demand for fighters. Many, including children with no military training, are sent into battle in human waves, facing near-certain death as they clear the way for Houthi fighters. The Houthis exploit extreme poverty, particularly in rural villages in Sana’a, Amran, and Dhamar.

Yemeni civilians continue to pay the price for a war they have little power to shape. The country has become a battleground for conflicts driven by decisions made in other capitals. Its strategic geography, demographic resources, and long-standing grievances have been exploited in wars that run counter to national interests. Yemenis are now left facing a future that runs counter to their aspirations, paying the price with their children.

Throughout the war, the Houthis have committed grave violations. These have intensified in recent weeks against civilians in Al-Hujariah in rural Taiz and on the West Coast. They must be held accountable for these violations, and for the consequences of the project they have imposed on Yemen. The continuing ability to sustain their project for so many years should not be attributed to its strength or appeal. Government weakness, divisions among anti-Houthi forces, the Saudi-led coalition’s failure and general mismanagement have all helped the Houthis maintain their grip on power.

The government and its allies can no longer afford to carry on with business as usual or rely on the same failed approach for managing the war. Nor can they afford to waste more time on internal disputes that have weakened the state’s authority.

Many are fighting on the front lines today to defend their towns and villages. Some have sold what little they own to buy weapons and join the popular resistance. In return, many find themselves abandoned, without adequate government support, or sacrificed as part of internal competition and score-settling among pro-government commanders. These communities cannot be left to face the Houthis alone while their political and military leaders treat this as just another round of fighting and fail to grasp the gravity of the moment. They need, and deserve, genuine support.

The government is supposed to uphold the constitutional order, defend equal rights, and safeguard the unity of the republic. Its responsibility goes beyond running institutions or doling out political appointments. It must protect Yemenis’ right to determine their own future. This requires a fundamentally different approach, starting with a strategy that places the welfare of its people and civilian protection at the center. That strategy must include clear, achievable objectives, matched to the government’s actual capabilities and to the role its allies can realistically play. Outsized promises that raise people’s hopes and expectations, only to leave them disappointed, erode morale and do not serve its cause.

Domestically, the government must unify military and political efforts across its ranks. Continued competition for influence and resources undermines any coherent defense and increases the costs borne by those on the front lines. The government must also mobilize the international community to respond to growing humanitarian needs, particularly following the latest wave of displacement, which has affected more than 200,000 people, and take concrete measures to support communities in the areas under its control. Managing a war and crisis of this scale with a 32-minister government is untenable. The situation calls for a leaner, more disciplined government, fit for a state of emergency and focused on directing resources to protect civilians and strengthen resilience in areas that remain outside Houthi control.

Decisions on war and peace in Yemen must remain in Yemeni hands. The government must involve its allies as partners to support a Yemeni-led process, not patrons who decide on its behalf. Regional and international powers affected by Houthi actions have their own reasons for confronting the group, driven by national interests, and it should not be assumed that these align with Yemen’s. Acting in the Yemeni national interest must be the government’s overriding priority.

Saudi Arabia, in particular, must recognize that its own stability and security are inseparable from Yemen’s. It should avoid repeating mistakes of the past, such as indiscriminate airstrikes, that fueled resentment among Yemenis. Above all, it must not confer legitimacy or tacit recognition on the Houthis, who seek to impose their rule through repression and coercion.

Government forces and their allies must also avoid practices that violate the laws of war or international law. This is not only a moral and legal obligation; such violations undermine the resistance’s legitimacy and give its opponents ammunition for propaganda and recruitment. Years of war have shown how indiscriminate violence and collective punishment can fuel recruitment, deepen divisions and, ultimately, prolong the conflict.

The war began more than 12 years ago as an internal conflict with regional dimensions, but over time it has become a fully regionalized war with domestic dynamics and fault lines. Its full cost cannot be measured by counting deaths, destruction, and displacement. The conflict has damaged Yemen’s social fabric, deepening the rifts between Yemenis and wearing down the bonds of solidarity and resilience that long allowed them to withstand crises and hold together as a people. Yemenis have also been pushed further and further from any role in shaping the course of the war or its outcome, and are left to suffer a reality dictated by broader regional and international calculations.

Reclaiming Yemeni agency over decisions of war and peace requires coordinated action by the government, political forces, and civil society to protect Yemen’s interests and ensure that Yemenis—not outside powers—decide the future of their state. Yemenis have paid more than enough for this war. Its outcome must reflect their aspirations for their future and for their children: the kind of state they want, and the nature of its relations with the region.